w^i 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



013 981 678 A • 



Hollinger 

pH8.5 

Mill Run F3-1955 



767 
W9 



THE WOODROW WILSON 
FOUNDATION 

A Tribute to a Great American 



Woodrow Wilson Foundation 

DISTRICT HEADQUARTERS, 
729 14th Street, N. W. 



ISSUED BY THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE 
15O NASSAU ST., NEW YORK 



L^7 



THE WOODROW WILSON FOUNDATION N 

I 

Franklin D. Roosevelt 

Chairman National Committee 



EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 

Cleveland H. Dodge, Chairman 

Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt 

Frank I. Cobb 

Stephen P. Duggan 

Mrs. J. Malcolm Forbes 

Edwin F. Gay 

Mrs. J. Borden Harriman 

Edward M. House 

Frederick Lynch 

Henry Morgenthau 

Adolph S. Ochs 

Frank L. Polk 

Virginia Potter 

Caroline Ruutz-Rees 

Mrs. Charles E. Simonson 

Mrs. Charles L. Tiffany / 

Stephen S. Wise 

Mrs. H. Otto Wittpenn 



Hamilton Holt 

Executive Director 

Edward S. Morse 
Executive Secretary 



National Headquarters 
150 Nassau Street, New York City 



Gift 

Publish 
AN 23 1922 






A Tribute to a Great American 



FOREWORD 

"Do you covet distinction ? You will 
never get it by serving yourself. Do you 
covet honor? You will get it only as a 
servant of mankind." 

— Woodrow Wilson's Address at 

Swarthmore College, October 5, 1913. 

/ I A HE world is poorer for the men and wealth that 
were poured into the furnaces of war. It is richer 
for the regenerated spirit of idealism that burnishes 
the record of four terrible years, and the leader of 
that spiritual force which enlisted the hopes of man- 
kind was an American — Woodrow Wilson. 

Woodrow Wilson saw beyond the momentous con- 
flict of his day and made clear to men certain ideals of 
world relationship that helped them to prosecute the 
ugly business of war until victory rested with the 
peoples of democracy. Plain men, the men in the 
ranks, had begun to believe that the world had come 
to a pass where living was beyond endurance; yet 
they felt, vaguely maybe, that they were fighting and 
dying to establish some principle of human freedom 
which would in effect constitute a rebirth of civiliza- 
tion. It remained for the American to become their 
highly articulate spokesman. By word and deed he 
clarified the issue so that all the world could see it as a 
struggle between democracy and autocracy. 

Those years are rapidly receding into the back- 

3 



ground. Woodrow Wilson has passed from the 
political stage. Much that he set out to do is still 
undone. Some believe that he failed utterly. But 
the number grows, and will continue to grow, of those 
who see through the confusion of conflicting opinion 
to the epic fight of an American for a great American 
ideal — for democracy and human freedom. 

Any student of Mr. Wilson's life, any undertaking 
related to him, must come to consider this question: 
What is the motive that actuated him in his public 
life? His ideals have been published to the world; 
but what is the source from which they come? 
The answer seems to be found in those prophetic 
words uttered early in his first term as President 
of the United States. "Do you covet distinction? 
You will never get it by serving yourself. Do you 
covet honor? You will get it only as a servant of 
mankind." 

The Foundation created in his name can find no 
better watchwords. 

ORIGIN OF THE FOUNDATION 

On Christmas Eve, 1920, a group of women met to 
consider what was then a nebulous wish to pay some 
sort of a tribute to the man who was shortly to leave 
the White House. There was no doubt in their minds 
as to the verdict of history; rather the thought was to 
establish a precedent, if possible, and honor a great 
American while he lived. Great men had seldom 
been so honored. Indeed, it was the fairly well estab- 
lished custom to sadden their lives with abuse and 
make amends later. 

The thought of a tribute of some sort was discussed 

4 



among the women and then presented to a group of 
men, friends of Mr. Wilson and former members of his 
official family. Finally, within two weeks after Mr. 
Wilson had become a private citizen, there was a 
great winter's day meeting at a New York hotel 
where the wish became a fact, where the nebulous 
desire to honor him while he lived became the very 
real plan to create the Woodrow Wilson Foundation. 

AMERICA'S OWN NOBEL PRIZES 

The materialized idea has been developed far 
beyond the thought of a tribute to the former Presi- 
dent. It is to be that, of course, but chiefly it is tc 
perpetuate his ideals of democracy and human free- 
dom, and in such form as to be both an inspiration 
and a reward to other men whose ambition it is to 
"enable the world to live more amply, with greater 
vision, with a finer spirit of hope and achievement." 

The Foundation is to be, in words now widely 
familiar: 

"Created in recognition of the national and inter- 
national services of Woodrow Wilson, twice President 
of the United States, who furthered the cause of 
human freedom and was instrumental in pointing out 
effective methods for the cooperation of the liberal 
forces of mankind throughout the world. 

"The Award or Awards from the income of the 
Foundation will be made from time to time* by a 
nationally constituted committee to the individual or 
group that has rendered within a specific period, meri- 
torious service to democracy, public welfare, liberal 
thought or peace through justice." 

In brief, America is to have its own Nobel Prizes. 

5 



WHERE THE AWARDS WILL COME FROM 

Conceived on a propitious day, the movement to 
establish the Woodrow Wilson Foundation has be- 
come nation-wide in the months that have passed 
since Christmas, 1920. A national organization has 
been created, with representation in every state, to 
raise the permanent endowment that is to make 
possible America's awards for distinguished public 
service. 

The method of raising the endowment will not be 
the familiar "drive" of war time; the appeal which 
will be issued beginning January 16, 1922, will be 
framed rather in the spirit of a free-will offering. 
Drive methods will not be necessary, it is believed, to 
rally Americans to the support of an American insti- 
tution, created in honor of a great American, dedi- 
cated to the perpetuation of American ideals. The 
organization has been developed on a national scale 
simply to present to as many people as possible the 
opportunity to share in the founding of an institution 
that will play a significant part in the world's progress 
toward a higher civilization. 

The goal is one million dollars or more. One million 
dollars represents a gift of one cent from each in- 
habitant of the United States, and an endowment so 
widely subscribed is the ideal at least toward which 
the energies of the Foundation . organization are 
directed. Woodrow Wilson was the spokesman for 
the liberal thought of the world, but for America 
particularly. His ideals are American ideals. His 
principles of democracy and human freedom are the 
principles upon which the republic is founded. It 
seems fitting that this undertaking should be created 

6 



by the free-will offering of a very large proportion of 
the inhabitants of the United States. A Foundation 
so created is the objective. 

The founding of an institution which is to be a 
significant demonstration of America's belief in ideal- 
ism is an historical occasion, and to be commemorated 
as such. An emblem has been adopted which will 
permanently represent the spirit of the Foundation. 
The central feature of the emblem is a portrait of 
Woodrow Wilson. 

Anumberof reproductionsof this emblem have been 
struck off in the form of certificates to be presented to 
subscribers to the endowment. They will mark the 
recipient as one of the founders, and they will be 
treasured for their artistic value as well as their his- 
torical significance. 

HOW THE AWARDS WILL BE ADMIN- 
ISTERED 

It is the present purpose of the Woodrow Wilson 
Foundation to raise the endowment. When that has 
been done a board of trustees composed of eminent 
Americans will be appointed and entrusted with the 
administration of the fund and the granting of the 
awards for "meritorious service to democracy, public 
welfare, liberal thought or peace through justice." 

No attempt has been made at this time to settle 
the question of the permanent home of the Founda- 
tion, specific kinds of public service to be awarded or 
other matters concerning its future course. The 
present organization has considered its task to be the 
creation of the Foundation through the widespread 
support of the nation, leaving the board of trustees to 

7 



determine the policies with which they will be vitally 
concerned. 

STEALING A MARCH UPON HISTORY 

Maximilian Harden has said of the war and its 
aftermath: "Only one conqueror's work will endure 
— Wilson's thought." 

Wilson's thought and work were for "the voiceless 
mass of men who merely go about their daily tasks, 
try to be honorable, try to serve the people they love, 
try to live worthy of the great communities to which 
they belong." Upon that fundamental ideal all his 
public acts were premised. He was a servant of man- 
kind. History will so regard him — but in the mean- 
time the Woodrow Wilson Foundation offers an 
opportunity to steal a march upon history. 



Some Appraisals of Mr. Wilson 

Woodrow Wilson's Place in History 

By General the Right Honorable Jan Christian Sinuts, 
Premier of the Union of South Africa 

Pretoria, South Africa, January 8, 1921 

It has been suggested that I should write a short 
estimate and appraisal of the work of President 
Wilson on the termination of his Presidency of the 
United States of America. I feel I must comply with 
the suggestion. I feel I may not remain silent when 
there is an opportunity to say a word of appreciation 
for the work of one with whom I came into close con- 
tact at a great period and who rendered the most 
signal service to the great human cause. 

There is a great saying of Mommsen (I believe) in 
reference to the close of Hannibal's career in failure 
and eclipse: "On those whom the gods love they 
lavish infinite joys and infinite sorrows." It has come 
back to my mind in reference to the close of Wilson's 
career. For a few brief moments he was not only the 
leader of the greatest State in the world: he was raised 
to far giddier heights and became the center of the 
world's hopes. And then he fell, misunderstood and 
rejected by his own people, and his great career closes 
apparently in signal and tragic defeat. 

What is the explanation for this tremendous 
tragedy, which is not solely American, which closely 
concerns the whole world? Of course, there are 
purely American elements in the explanation which I 
am not competent to speak on. But besides the 
American quarrel with President Wilson there is 
something to be said on the great matters in issue. 
On these I may be permitted to say a few words. 

The position occupied by President Wilson in the 
world's imagination at the close of the great war and 



at the beginning of the peace conference was terrible 
in its greatness. It was a terrible position for any 
mere man to occupy. Probably to no human being in 
all history did the hopes, the prayers, the aspirations 
of many millions of his fellows turn with such poig- 
nant intensity as to him at the close of the war. At a 
time of the deepest darkness and despair, he had 
raised aloft a light to which all eyes had turned. He 
had spoken divine words of healing and consolation 
to a broken humanity. His lofty moral idealism 
seemed for a moment to dominate the brutal pas- 
sions which had torn the Old World asunder. And he 
was supposed to possess the secret which would 
remake the world on fairer lines. The peace which 
Wilson was bringing to the world was expected to be 
God's peace. Prussianism lay crushed: brute force 
had failed utterly. The moral character of the uni- 
verse had been signally vindicated. There was a 
universal vague hope in a great moral peace, of a new 
world order arising visibly and immediately on the 
ruins of the old. This hope was not a mere super- 
ficial sentiment. It was the intense expression at the 
end of the war of the inner moral and spiritual force 
which had upborne the peoples during the dark night 
of the war and had nerved them in an effort almost 
beyond human strength. Surely, God had been with 
them in that long night of agony. His was the 
victory; His should be the peace. And President 
Wilson was looked upon as the man to make this 
great peace. He had voiced the great ideals of the 
new order; his great utterances had become the con- 
tractual basis for the armistice and the peace. The 
idealism of Wilson would surely become the reality of 
the new order of things in the peace treaty. 

Saved the "Little Child" 

In this atmosphere of extravagant, almost frenzied 
expectation he arrived at the Paris Peace Conference 

10 



Without hesitation he plunged into that inferno of 
human passions. He went down into the Pit like a 
second Heracles to bring back the fair Alcestis of the 
world's desire. There were six months of agonized 
waiting, during which the world situation rapidly 
deteriorated. And then he emerged with the peace 
treaty. It was not a Wilson peace, and he made a 
fatal mistake in somehow giving the impression that 
the peace was in accord with his Fourteen Points and 
his various declarations. Not so the world had under- 
stood him. This was a Punic peace, the same sort of 
peace as the victor had dictated to the vanquished 
for thousands of years. It was not Alcestis; it was a 
haggard, unlovely woman with features distorted 
with hatred, greed and selfishness, and the little child 
that the woman carried was scarcely noticed. Yet it 
was for the saving of the child that Wilson had 
labored until he was a physical wreck. Let our other 
great statesmen and leaders enjoy their well-earned 
honors for their questioned success at Paris. To 
Woodrow Wilson, the apparent failure, belongs the 
undying honor, which will grow with the growing 
centuries, of having saved the "little child that shall 
lead them yet." No other statesman but Wilson 
could have done it. And he did it. 

People Did Not Understand 

The people, the common people of all lands, did not 
understand the significance of what had happened. 
They saw only that hard, unlovely Prussian peace, 
and the great hope died in their hearts. The great 
disillusionment took its place. The most receptive 
mood for a new start the world had been in for cen- 
turies passed away. Faith in their governors and 
leaders was largely destroyed and the foundations of 
the human government were shaken in a way which 
will be felt for generations. The Paris peace lost an 
opportunity as unique as the great war itself. In 

ii 



destroying the moral idealism born of the sacrifices of 
the war it did almost as much as the war itself in 
shattering the structure of Western civilization. 

And the odium of all this fell especially on Presi- 
dent Wilson. Round him the hopes had centered; 
round him the disillusion and despair now gathered. 
Popular opinion largely held him responsible for the 
bitter disappointment and grievous failure. The 
cynics scoffed; his friends were silenced on the uni- 
versal disappointment. Little or nothing had been 
expected from the other leaders; the whole failure was 
put to the account of Woodrow Wilson. And finally 
America for reasons of her own joined the pack and at 
the end it was his own people who tore him to pieces. 

Must Wait For Judgment 

Will this judgment, born of momentary disillusion 
and disappointment, stand in future, or will it be 
reversed ? The time has not come to pass final judg- 
ment on either Wilson or any of the other great actors 
in the drama at Paris. The personal estimates will 
depend largely on the interpretation of that drama in 
the course of time. As one who saw and watched 
things from the inside, I feel convinced that the 
present popular estimates are largely superficial and 
will not stand the searching test of time. And I have 
no doubt whatever that W 7 ilson has been harshly, un- 
fairly, unjustly dealt with, and that he has been made 
a scapegoat for the sins of others. Wilson made mis- 
takes, and there were occasions when I ventured to 
sound a warning note. But it was not his mistakes 
that caused the failure for which he has been held 
mainly responsible. 

Let us admit the truth, however bitter it is to do so, 
for those who believe in human nature. It was not 
W 7 ilson who failed. The position is far more serious. 
It was the human spirit itself that failed at Paris. It 
is no use passing judgments and making scapegoats of 

12 



this or that individual statesman or group of states- 
men. Idealists make a great mistake in not facing the 
real facts sincerely and resolutely. They believe in 
the power of the spirit, in the goodness which is at the 
heart of things, in the triumph which is in store for 
the great moral ideals of the race. But this faith only 
too often leads to an optimism which is sadly and 
fatally at variance with actual results. 

Says Humanity Failed 

It is the realist and not the idealist who is generally 
justified by events. We forget that the human spirit, 
the spirit of goodness and truth in the world, is still 
only an infant crying in the night, and that the 
struggle with darkness is as yet mostly an unequal 
struggle. 

Paris proved this terrible truth once more. It was 
not Wilson who failed there, but humanity itself. It 
was not the statesmen that failed so much as the 
spirit of the peoples behind them. The hope, the 
aspirations for a new world order of peace and right 
and justice — however deeply and universally felt — 
was still only feeble and ineffective in comparison 
with the dominant national passions which found 
their expression in the peace treaty. Even if Wilson 
had been one of the great demi-gods of the human 
race, he could not have saved the peace. Knowing 
the Peace Conference as I knew it from within, I feel 
convinced in my own mind that not the greatest man 
born of v/oman in the history of the race would have 
saved that situation. The great hope was not the 
heralding of the coming dawn, as the peoples thought, 
but only a dim intimation of some far-off event 
toward which we shall yet have to make many a long, 
weary march. Sincerely as we believed in the moral 
ideals for which we had fought, the temptation at 
Paris of a large booty to be divided proved too great. 
And in the end not only the leaders but the peoples 

J 3 



preferred a bit of booty here, a strategic frontier there, 
a coal field or an oil well, an addition to their popula- 
tion or their resources — to all the faint allurements of 
the ideal. As I said at the time, the real peace was 
still to come, and it could only come from a new spirit 
in the peoples themselves. 

Wilson Had to be Conciliated 

What was really saved at Paris was the child — the 
covenant of the League of Nations. The political 
realists who had their eye on the loot were prepared — 
however reluctantly — to throw up that innocent little 
sop to President Wilson and his fellow idealists. 
After all, there was not much harm in it, it threatened 
no present national interest, and it gave great 
pleasure to a number of good unpractical people in 
most countries. Above all, President Wilson had to 
be conciliated, and this was the last and the greatest 
of the fourteen points on which he had set his heart 
and by which he was determined to stand or fall. 
And so he got his way. But it is a fact that only a 
man of his great power and influence and dogged 
determination could have carried the covenant 
through that Peace Conference. Others had seen 
with him the great vision; others had perhaps given 
more thought to the elaboration of the great plan. 
But his was the power and the will that carried it 
through. The covenant is Wilson's souvenir to the 
future of the world. No one will ever deny that 
honor. 

The honor is very great indeed, for the covenant is 
one of the great creative documents of human history. 
The peace treaty will fade into merciful oblivion and 
its provisions will be gradually obliterated by the 
great human tides sweeping over the world. But the 
covenant will stand as sure as fate. Forty-two 
nations gathered round it at the first meeting of the 
League at Geneva. And the day is not far orT when 



all the free peoples of the world will gather around it. 
It must succeed, because there is no other way for the 
future of civilization. It does not realize the great 
hopes born of the war, but it provides the only 
method and instrument by which in the course of time 
those hopes can be realized. Speaking as one who has 
some right to speak on the fundamental conceptions, 
objects and methods of the covenant, I feel sure that 
most of the present criticism is based on misunder- 
standings. These misunderstandings will clear away, 
one by one the peoples still outside the covenant will 
fall in behind this banner, under which the human 
race is going to march forward to triumphs of peace- 
ful organization and achievements undreamt of by us 
children of an unhappier era. And the leader who, in 
spite of apparent failure, succeeded in inscribing his 
name on that banner has achieved the most enviable 
and enduring immortality. Americans of the future 
will yet proudly and gratefully rank him with Wash- 
ington and Lincoln, and his name will have a more 
universal significance than theirs. 

(Written for the New York Evening Post.) 

WOODROW WILSON— AN INTERPRETATION 

From the New York World 

Mr. Wilson's enemies are fond of calling him a theo- 
rist, but there is little of the theorist about him, other- 
wise he could never have made more constructive 
history than any other man of his generation. What 
are commonly called theories in his case were the 
practical application of the experiences of history to 
the immediate problems of government, and in the 
experience of history Mr. Wilson is an expert. With 
the exception of James Madison, who was called the 
"Father of the Constitution," Mr. Wilson is the most 
profound student of government among all the Presi- 
dents, and he had what Madison conspicuously lacked, 

15 



which was the faculty to translate his knowledge of 
government into the administration of government. 
# * # 

When people speak of the tragedy of Mr. Wilson's 
career they have in mind only the temporary aspects 
of it — the universal dissatisfaction with the treaty of 
peace, his physical collapse, his defeat in the Senate 
and the verdict at the polls in November. They for- 
get that the end of the chapter is not yet written. 
The League of Nations is a fact, whatever the atti- 
tude of the United States may be toward it, and it will 
live unless the peoples of the earth prove their 
political incapacity to use it for the promotion of their 
own welfare. The principle of self-determination will 
remain as long as men believe in the right of self- 
government and are willing to die for it. It was 
Woodrow Wilson who wrote that principle into the 
law of nations, even though he failed to obtain a uni- 
versal application of it. Tacitus said of the Catti 
tribesmen, "Others go to battle; these go to war," 
and Mr. Wilson went to war in behalf of the demo- 
cratic theory of government extended to all the affairs 
of the nations. That war is not yet won and the 
Commander in Chief is crippled by the wounds that 
he received on the field of action. But the responsi- 
bility of the future does not rest with him. It rests 
with the self-governing peoples for whom he has 
blazed the trail. All the complicated issues of this 
titanic struggle finally reduce themselves to these 
prophetic words of Maximilian Harden: "Only one 
conqueror's work will endure — Wilson's thought." 

Woodrow Wilson on this morning of the fourth of 
March can say in the words of Paul the Apostle to 
Timothy: 

"For I am now ready to be offered, and the time of 
my departure is at hand. 

"I have fought a good fight, I have finished my 
course, I have kept the faith." 

(Copyright, 1921, New York World.) 

16 



Woodrow Wilson. By Hamilton Holt 

It was Woodrow Wilson who focused the hetero- 
geneous and often diverse ideals of the war on the one 
ideal of pure Americanism, which is democracy. The 
peoples with one accord followed the banner he 
unfurled. 

It was Woodrow W T ilson who first announced that 
the United States wanted no territories or indemni- 
ties. Europe marvelled. 

It was Woodrow Wilson who first drove the wedge 
in between the Hohenzollerns and the German people. 
Autocracy began to totter. 

It was Woodrow Wilson who first enunciated the 
basis of peace. His fourteen points won the war. 
Had not he, or some other responsible head of a great 
power done this the Allies might have lost the war. 
The people had then been fighting for over three 
years. No government had publicly proclaimed the 
aims for which it was asking its people to die. It 
looked as though the whole three years of agony 
would end in stalemate. The people were getting 
restive. They began to fear an imperialistic peace. 
They demanded to be- told what the governments 
wanted so that having achieved it the government 
would not make them fight on merely to gratify the 
secret ambitions of selfish politicians. 

Mr. Samuel Gompers was invited to go to England 
and France to confer with labor leaders in those 
countries. He said to me afterwards: "I don't think, 
I know, that had not Woodrow Wilson or some other 
responsible head of a state proclaimed the aims of the 
war when he did, there would have been revolutions 
in England and France in the early part of 1918." 

Two Pictures. By Joseph P. Tumulty 

Two pictures are in my mind. First, the Hall of 
Representatives crowded from floor to gallery with 
expectant throngs. Presently it is announced that 

17 



the President of the United States will address Con- 
gress. There steps out to the Speaker's desk a 
straight, vigorous, slender man, active and alert. He 
is sixty years of age, but he looks not more than forty- 
five, so lithe of limb, so alert of bearing, so virile. It 
is Woodrow Wilson reading his great war message. 

The other picture is only three and a half years 
later. There is a parade of veterans of the Great War. 
They are to be reviewed by the President on the east 
terrace of the White House. In a chair sits a man, 
your President, broken in health but still alert in 
mind. His hair is white, his shoulders bowed, his 
figure bent. He is sixty-three years old but he looks 
older. It is Woodrow Wilson. 

Presently in the procession there appears an am- 
bulance laden with wounded soldiers, the maimed, 
the halt and the blind. As they pass they salute, 
slowly, reverently. The President's right hand goes 
up in answering salute. I glanced at him. There 
were tears in his eyes. The wounded is greeting the 
wounded; those in the ambulance, he in the chair are, 
alike, casualties of the Great War. 

A Really Great Man. By Senator Carter Glass 

It is my considered judgment that Woodrow 
Wilson will take a place in history among the very 
foremost of the great men who have given direction to 
the fortunes of the nation. No President of the 
United States, from the beginning of the republic, 
ever excelled him in essential preparation for the tasks 
of the office. By a thorough acquisition of abstract 
knowledge, by clear and convinced precept and by a 
firm and diligent practical application of the out- 
standing principles of statecraft, no occupant of the 
Executive chair up to his advent was better furnished 
for a notable administration of public affairs. And 
Wilson's administration has been notable. Its 
achievements in enumeration and importance, have 



never been surpassed; and it may accurately be said 
that most of the things accomplished were of the 
President's own initiative. 

Of the President's personal traits and character- 
istics I cannot as confidently speak as those persons 
whose constant and intimate association with him 
has given them observation of his moods and habits. 
To me he has always been the soul of courtesy and 
frankness. Dignified, but reasonably familiar; tena- 
cious when sure of his position, but not hard to 
persuade or to convince in a cause having merit, I 
have good reason to be incredulous when I hear 
persons gabble about the unwillingness of President 
Wilson to seek counsel or accept advice. For a really 
great man who must be measurably conscious of his 
own intellectual power, he has repeatedly done both 
things in an astonishing degree during his adminis- 
tration; and when certain of a man's downright 
honesty, I have never known anybody who could be 
readier to confide serious matters implicitly to a 
coadjutor in the public service. 

(Written for the New York Times, February 18, 
1 921.) 



19 



STATE CHAIRMEN 

ALABAMA 

Hon. Frank P. Glass, Chairman 

Hon. Sidney J. Bowie, Executive Chairman 

Tutwiler Hotel, Birmingham. Alabama 
Mrs. John F. McNeel, Birmingham, Chairman of Women's 

Committee 
ARIZONA 

Hon. A. H. Favour, Chairman, Prescott, Arizona 

ARKANSAS 

Hon. Thomas C. McRae, Chairman, Little Rock, Arkansas 
Hon. W. S. Goodwin, Marion Hotel, Little Rock, Vice-Chairman 

CALIFORNIA— Northern Section 

Mrs. Annette Abbott Adams, Chairman 

1032 Merchants Exchange Building, San Francisco, Calif. 

CALIFORNIA— Southern Section 

Hon. Harrington Brown, Chairman 

3975 South Vermont Avenue, Los Angeles, Calif. 
Mrs. J. H. Stewart, Los Angeles, Chairman of Women's 

Committee 
COLORADO 

Hon. John T. Barnett, Chairman 

510 First National Bank Building, Denver, Colorado 
Mrs. Martha J. Cranmer, Denver, Chairman of Women's 

Committee 
CONNECTICUT 

Prof. Irving Fisher, Chairman 
Prof. Ray Westerfield, Executive Chairman 
56 High Street, New Haven, Connecticut 
Mrs. Robert Fuller, Westport, Chairman of Women's 

Committee 
DELAWARE 

Miss H. N. Stadelman, Chairman 

710 Blackshire Road, Wilmington, Delaware 

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA 

Hon. Robert W. Woolley, Chairman 

729 14th Street, N.W., Washington, D. C. 
Mrs. Kate Trenholm Abrams, Chairman of Women's 

Committee 
FLORIDA 

John C. Cooper. Jr., Esq., Chairman 

Atlantic National Bank Building, Jacksonville, Florida 

GEORGIA 

Hon. Pleasant A. Stovall, Chairman 

Savannah, Georgia 
Miss Annie G. Wright, Augusta, Chairman of Women's 

Committee 
IDAHO 

Hon. James H. Hawley, Chairman, Boise. Idaho 
Mrs. Teresa M. Graham, Couer d'Alene, Chairman of Women's 

Committee 

20 



ILLINOIS 

Hon. Frank Hatch Jones, Chairman 

Room 1410, 28 East Jackson Boulevard, Chicago, 111. 
Hon. Edward N. Hurley, Chairman of Organization 

28 East Jackson Boulevard. Chicago, Illinois 
Mrs. Kellogg Fairbank, Chicago, Vice-Chairman 
Hon. Henry M. Pindell, Peoria, Vice-Chairman 

INDIANA — Committee to select Chairman. 

IOWA 

Hon. Edwin T. Meredith, Chairman 

Herrick Building, Des Moines, Iowa 
Mrs. H. C. Evans, Des Moines, Chairman of Women's 

Committee 
KANSAS 

Hon. Jouett Shouse, Chairman 

1012 Baltimore Avenue, Kansas City, Missouri 

KENTUCKY 

Hon. Robert W. Bingham, Chairman 

Louisville Trust Building, Louisville, Kentucky 
Mrs. Samuel M. Wilson, Lexington, Chairman of Women's 

Committee 
LOUISIANA 

Col. A. T. Prescott, Chairman, Baton Rouge, Louisiana 
Mrs. Ida Weiss Friend, New Orleans, Chairman of Women's 

Committee 
MAINE 

Hon. Charles F. Johnson, Chairman, Room 500, Congress 

Square Hotel, Portland, Maine 
Mrs. William R. Pattangall, Augusta, Chairman of Women's 

Committee 
MASSACHUSETTS 

John F. Moors, Esq., Chairman 

101 Tremont Street, Boston, Massachusetts 
Mrs. J. Malcolm Forbes, Milton, Chairman of Women's 

Committee 
MARYLAND 

Clarence K. Bowie, Esq., Chairman 
Fidelitv Building, Baltimore, Md. 
Mrs. S. Johnson Poe, Baltimore, Chairman of Women's 

Committee 
MICHIGAN 

Hon. Woodbridge N. Ferris, Chairman, Big Rapids, Michigan 

MINNESOTA 

Hon. George H. Partridge, Chairman 

Room 208, 529 Second Avenue, S., Minneapolis. Minnesota 
Mrs. Charles P. Noyes, St. Paul, Chairman of Women's 

Committee 
MISSISSIPPI 

Hon. Oscar Newton, Chairman, Jackson, Mississippi 
Mrs. Edward F. McGehee, Como, Chairman of Women's 

Committee 
MISSOURI 

J. Lionberger Davis, Esq., Chairman 

Federal Reserve Bank Building, St. Louis, Missouri 

21 



MONTANA 

Hon. Thomas Stout, Chairman 

Lewistown, Montana 
Mrs. C. B. Nolan, Helena, Chairman of Women's Committee 

NEBRASKA 

William F. Baxter, Esq., Chairman 

1507 Douglas Street, Omaha, Nebraska 

NEVADA 

Hon. William Woodburn, Chairman, Reno, Nevada 

NEW HAMPSHIRE 

Hon. Robert Jackson, Chairman 

25 Capital Street, Concord, New Hampshire 
Mrs. Lucius H. Thayer, Portsmouth, Chairman of Women's 

Committee 
NEW JERSEY 

Hon. J. Warren Davis, Chairman 

Post Office Building, Trenton, New Jersey 
Mrs. Harriman N. Simmons, Elizabeth, Chairman of Women's 

Committee 
NEW MEXICO 

Hon. Summers Burkhart, Chairman 
Albuquerque, New Mexico 

NEW YORK 

Hon. James W. Gerard, Chairman 

46 Cedar Street, New York City 
Mrs. Montgomery Hare, New York City, Chairman of 

Women's Committee, Metropolitan District 
Miss Harriet May Mills, Syracuse, Chairman of Women's 

Committee, Central New York State 

NORTH CAROLINA 

Mrs. Josephus Daniels, Chairman, Raleigh, North Carolina 
NORTH DAKOTA 

Hon. A. G. Burr, Chairman, Rugby, North Dakota 
Mrs. F. R. Smythe, Bismarck, Chairman of Women's 

Committee 
OHIO 

Hon. Newton D. Baker, Chairman 

Union National Bank Building, Cleveland, Ohio 
Miss Marie E. McCurry, Columbus, Chairman of Women's 

Committee 
OKLAHOMA 

Hon. Charles B. Ames, Chairman 

Bristol Hotel, Oklahoma City, Oklahoma 

OREGON 

Hon. C. S. Jackson, Chairman 

Portland Journal, Portland, Oregon 
Mrs. Alexander F. Thompson, Portland, Chairman of 

Women's Committee 
PENNSYLVANIA 

Hon. Roland S. Morris, Chairman 

147 South Broad Street, Philadelphia 
Mrs. Clarence J. Renshaw, Pittsburgh, Secretary 

11 



SOUTH CAROLINA 

Hon. Robert A. Cooper, Chairman 
Columbia, South Carolina 

SOUTH DAKOTA 

Hon. Edwin S. Johnson, Chairman 

Yankton, South Dakota 
Mrs. William Hickey, Sioux Falls, Chairman of Women's 

Committee 

TENNESSEE 

Hon. Luke Lea, Chairman 

Nashville Tennessean, Nashville, Tennessee 
Miss Charl O. Williams, Memphis, Chairman of Women's 

Committee 

TEXAS 

Thomas S. Taliaferro, Esq., Chairman 

University Club, Houston, Texas 
Mrs. H. F. Ring, Houston, Chairman of Women's Committee 

RHODE ISLAND 

Richard Comstock, Esq., Chairman 

10 Weybosset Street, Providence, Rhode Island 

UTAH 

Hon. James H. Moyle, Chairman 

411 East First South Street, Salt Lake City, Utah 

VERMONT 

John Spargo, Esq., Chairman 
Old Bennington, Vermont 

VIRGINIA 

Hon. Carter Glass, Chairman 

Hon. John Skelton Williams, Executive Chairman 

Richmond, Virginia 
Miss Adele Clark, Richmond, Chairman of Women's Committee 

WASHINGTON 

Mrs. E. D. Christian, Chairman 

East 703 Ermina Avenue, Spokane, Washington 

WEST VIRGINIA 

Hon. William E. Chilton, Chairman 

411 Union Trust Building, Charleston, West Virginia 

WISCONSIN 

Karl Mathie, Esq., Chairman 

509 Grant Street, Wausau, Wisconsin 
Mrs. D. O. Kinsman, Appleton, Chairman of Women's 

Committee 

WYOMING 

T. C. Diers, Esq., Chairman, Sheridan, Wyoming 
Mrs. W. C. Crouter, Wheatland, Chairman of Women's 
Committee 



January 1 1, 1922 

*3 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



013 981 678 A ^ 



FOUNDATION FACTS 



Name: Woodrow Wilson Foundation. 

National Headquarters: 1 50 Nassau Street, New York. 

Object: To endow permanent awards for distinguished 
public service. 

Appeal: For an endowment. 

Amount: One million dollars or more. 

Time: January 16, 1922. 

Method: A free will offering, not a drive. Checks 
payable to the Woodrow Wilson Foundation. 
Liberty and Victory bonds accepted at par. 

Founder s Certificate: Every subscriber will be 
entitled to receive an artistic certificate, a 
reproduction of the design commemorating the 
founding. 

Expense: Expense of organization has been under- 
written through special subscription. Every 
dollar received during the period of public appeal, 
and before that time, will go toward the per- 
manent endowment. 

Disposition of Funds: Invested in securities of the 
United States Government. 

Depository: Central Union Trust Co., 80 Broadway, 
New York City. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




013 981 678 A 



Hollinger 

pH8.5 

Mill Run F3-1955 



